... its cultural foundations form the country’s foreign policy, theoretically accessible for temporary force control from the outside, but not suitable for integration into wider communities. Iran’s intentions will always be vague to its neighbours. Turkey has an understandable desire to increase its interaction with the kindred peoples of Central Asia, but itself is experiencing colossal political and cultural pressure from the West, and does not have sufficient power to act as an alternative to ...
... new and stable security system in the Persian Gulf look vague and unrealistic. If the current trends prevail, the region will inevitably continue to be nothing but a battleground for ‘regional superpowers’ (Saudi Arabia, Iran and to some extent Turkey and Israel), which will compete with each other for the right to create spheres of influence, using the support of their smaller and weaker clients to the detriment of regional stability.
It is easy to predict that in this scenario external (non-regional) ...
... economy. Artillery shelling of residential areas will cause additional interruptions in water and electricity deliveries to Libyan cities. Illegal migrants attempting to enter the EU countries, especially Italy, will become more frequent.
The Republic of Turkey, which claims a leading role in the region and seeks to revive the “former greatness” of the Ottoman Empire, is sharply intensifying its actions [
4
]. Most likely, Ankara will support the government in Tripoli, not only with weapons, but also ...
... Thus, there are two levels of conditional external influence on the affairs of the Arab world—regional and global. Thus, the protests in Arab countries carry an Arab nationalist charge directed against the interference of their neighbours such as Turkey and Iran (and even Israel, despite the normalisation of relations), and against the West. A separate problem is the perception by Arab nationalists of the corrupt regional regimes and their leaders, which sold their souls to the West. All this ...
.... The CIS issue is disappearing from Russian politics, and this can only be welcomed.
At the same time, it may be important that the consequence of internal changes is the drawing of external players into the Russian security periphery. For example, Turkey, Iran or Afghanistan. This process may not be unambiguous, but it is taking place. As a result, we can observe both an increase in requirements for the policy of Russia itself, and an expansion of its room for manoeuvre. We cannot be sure that ...
... this small province could be pivotal to the future of the larger stalemate that has left the United States, Europe, and Russia locked in an unwinnable status quo.
Russia has said that it plans to veto an extension of cross-border UN aid delivered from Turkey, authorised under UN Security Council resolution 2533, which is up for renewal in July, potentially depriving the population of a vital lifeline amid desperate conditions. Moscow says that all aid should be channelled from Damascus via three new ...
... accept EU-devised norms and principles, including in its domestic politics, economics, and social affairs, and cooperate closely with the EU on foreign policy. In other words, they imagined Russia not as a member of the EU—not even a candidate, like Turkey—but more of a permanent associate, a partner in name, but essentially a follower. In the former European Commission president Romano Prodi’s memorable phrase, the European Union and Russia would have everything in common except for their institutions....
... Russian Railways part of reconstructing infrastructure in B&H on preferential economic terms, including works in the Muslim-Croatian entity. Compliance with budgetary discipline could be guaranteed by the relevant authorities of the European Union and Turkey.
Competitiveness is a prerequisite for curbing the “wage race” as well as for maintaining the proper level of motivation and responsibility among the officials of the newly reformed OHR who are to be assigned to Bosnia.
1
. G.N. Engelhardt ...
... characteristic of the Middle East. The game of big and medium external powers is gradually returning as the most important factor in the development of the region.
In this game, Russia’s partners are not only the West, but also regional forces such as Iran and Turkey. The national interests of these countries may not coincide with Russian ideas and even come into conflict with them. This, however, is not an obstacle to building a working relationship with them. The most important factor is that Iran is not,...
... NATO intervention against the nation’s former leader Muammar Gaddafi, efforts to ensure stability in Libya have been complicated by a sea of armed factions with deep grudges against one another and often backed by competing international powers.
Turkey has thrown its support behind the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli, while Russia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates have backed the rivalling Libyan National Army (LNA) led by General Khalifa Haftar.
Facing regional isolation and ...
