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https://www.ethicsandinternationalaffairs.org/2022/russia-ukraine-and-the-demise-of-smart-sanctions/
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. Richard Haass. What Does the West Want in ...
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International Multilateralism in a Non-Hegemonic World
Designing a payment system (BRICS Pay) becomes acutely relevant in modern conditions. Moscow is well aware of the need to accelerate work on the project, whose launch was previously scheduled for 2025. Russia is now switching to settlements in national currencies with India and China, having launched an alternative to SWIFT payment system with the latter. Previously, Brasilia and Moscow tried to use rubles and reals for bilateral trade, but the instability of the two currencies since the mid-2010s has slowed down the progress ...
...
Matthew Crosston, Evgeny Pashentsev:
Russian Security Cannot be Anti-Russian
The US energy sector wins. In the near future, it will receive a significant part of the European market. In addition, it will now be more convenient for the Americans to oust Russia from the world arms markets. China and India will remain major buyers, but competition for other markets will be more difficult for Moscow due to stronger US opposition.
The United States has accumulated a set of internal problems. The Russian factor once again makes it possible to at least ...
... the narratives to influence the minds and hearts of the rest of the world. But we must recognize the deep skepticism, with which the rest of the World receives the constructed and often obviously hypocritical narratives of the West. As noted earlier, Russia has very good and warm relations with both China and India—together nearly 3 billion people. We also must look at China’s enormous goodwill in Africa and trade relations with South America. Africa’s experience with colonialism and neo-colonialism (continuing until today) have given Africa a profound ...
... ones over the Galwan River Valley significantly impacted regional dynamics. They were the natural result of preexisting tensions finally spilling over and didn’t occur by chance. The Chinese-Pakistani axis strengthened, the US politically supported India against China, and Russia twice reaffirmed its support for India’s position towards Kashmir. While the first two outcomes further divided the region into two distinctly emerging blocs, the last-mentioned one didn’t adversely affect Russia’s ties with China or Pakistan....
... high on the dispute probability matrix, both in terms of geopolitics, but also on the discussion over nuclear energy. In such a case, there is a probability that even the pro-nuclear states, such as Hungary or Poland would not back such a decision.
India and China and the nuclear energy revolution
Ivan Timofeev, Sabine Fischer:
EU-Russia in 2030: Alternatives Scenarios
India has been promoting its advanced heavy water reactors (AHWR) through cooperation with nations such as Australia and Argentina and has inked civil nuclear agreements with other countries, but also agreed on cooperating ...
... their professed pivot to Asia, the current Russian elites remain Eurocentric to the core, and have little time for India. Russia’s government-owned corporations and private business actors find it much easier and more profitable to do business with China than with India. Russian media outlets have little presence in India and do a mediocre job of explaining Indian politics and policies to their audiences. The Russian public has very limited knowledge and understanding of what is going on in India. Tourism and cultural ...
... risk. India has also taken Russia for granted, diminished the value of relations with Russia. India in her self-perception felt flattered by the USA, and India had illusions that the US could somehow “balance”, that is strengthen, India relative to China. The more India has taken Russia for granted, the more Russia has leaned back, hoping the old lover would one day come back, reviving romance of old days.
Even since the time leading up to Independence in 1947, India harbors superpower ambitions. Some in India seem to see the ...
... be carefully considered.
In a geopolitical sense, Moscow and New Delhi could lend each other a helping hand: New Delhi could do so in the India–U.S.–Russia triangle to become Moscow’s guide in the Indo-Pacific, while Moscow could do so in the Russia–China–India triangle by advancing the involvement of the other two in multilateral security and development projects in Eurasia. The international system slipping down towards a rigid bipolarity cannot align with the strategic interests of either Moscow or ...
... accelerate the already rapid expansion of their military-strategic relations. India would not consider slowing down its cooperation with the Quad like it could potentially do if it is sanctioned. This would advance both countries’ interests in containing China. There are more far-reaching consequences to each possible course of action than what has just been described. Sanctioning India would compel it to move closer to Russia in response, which is counterproductive to the U.S. grand strategy but could be seen as beneficial from Moscow’s perspective. New Delhi would immediately recalibrate its continually changing multi-alignment policy to flexibly adapt to these changing ...