... reorient the national doctrine and weapons modernization programs toward simultaneous confrontation two nuclear superpowers, Russia and China.
[32]
The Democratic administration has not yet accepted these proposals but has set the goal of engaging China in arms control negotiations and agreements.
[33]
The common position of the UK, France and China is that the U.S. and Russia should reduce their nuclear stockpiles closer to the level of the other three countries as a prerequisite for five-party agreements. The “Big Two”, however, have traditionally conditioned further significant cuts in their arsenals on firm assurances ...
... challenges (e. g. verification) are truly formidable. Moreover, any new model of strategic arms control will have to be very different from what we saw over the last fifty years (e. g. it would be difficult to envisage new comprehensive legally binding US-Russian agreements ratified by the US Senate). Today, we need an entirely new (hopefully, multilateral) arms control model capable of catching up with rapidly progressing nuclear technologies. Nuclear powers have to clearly and unambiguously reconfirm their remaining commitment to nuclear disarmament in order to avoid a full collapse of the NPT regime. ...
... results of discussions about the control over strategic nuclear weapons, as well as over intermediate- and short-range missiles in Europe, including the prospects for the restoration of dialog between Russia and the United States, as well as between Russia and NATO, possible formats for nuclear arms control in the future, given the changing structure of the nuclear arsenals of the great powers and the development of dual-use technologies, promising measures to reduce nuclear risks and build confidence in the nuclear field, verification measures ...
Working Paper No. 68/2022
Working Paper No. 68/2022
The first atomic bomb was designed almost eight decades ago. Since then, the nuclear factor has become one of the game-changers in international relations. The possession of nuclear weapons has become especially important in modern times, as discussions of the fatal destructiveness the use of atomic weapons for all mankind have reintensified. There is increasing speculation on this topic in the international arena. Nevertheless, there is no doubt...
... INF Treaty. Both sides agreed that a lack of trust is not conducive to progress in the negotiations. Both Russian and British participants suggested some steps that would help develop confidence building measures between Russia and NATO and between Russia and the U.S.
The workshop was attended by leading experts on arms control and strategic stability of the two countries.
... ultra-reliable unmanned missile system. Later, the interest in such a system dwindled, and February 1971 saw the signing of the Seabed Arms Control Treaty that prohibited the deployment of any such systems outside territorial waters.
[9]
ВМС США
The Martin ... ... States and the Soviet Union—the USSR, though, also had a separate service branch known as Strategic Missile Forces (the RVSN in Russian). This brings us to the brief observation that the Army (i.e., the land forces) was sidelined from any strategic missions ...
... not indulge in irresponsible and reckless speculation about the resumption of nuclear tests. The Democrats will pursue a more sensible, restrained and constructive line.
Yet not everything depends on the United States. It also depends on what course Russia chooses, whether it will be able to separate from arms control the existing contradictions on international and domestic politics, and even economic and personal sanctions,. We can quarrel with the Americans on various issues as much and as long as we like, but on one important condition. That is - as ...
... financial challenges.
7. Arms Control
The Biden Administration is likely to be generally better than the Trump Administration. The President elect has never supported the irresponsible attitude of his predecessor to arms control at large or to bilateral US-Russian arms control in particular. He might well try to rescue the New START and to abide informally by the provisions of the INF, which the United States withdrew from in the summer of 2019. He is likely to pay more attention to the NPT, the CTBT, and other ...
... various shortcomings, may serve as a platform and fallback at a time when arms control moves into novel, multilateral directions containing further degrees of complexity. A tradition that, for the sake of world stability,
must
continue.
A Quagmire of Russia-U.S. Arms Control — How Did We Get Here?
Andery Kortunov:
A Year Without the INF Treaty: You Need an Umbrella During Rainy Season
Before providing an answer to John Bolton’s rhetorical question about hypothetical extensions, one should first confront ...
... traffic to some nondescript location in the middle of nowhere. It would be much more pleasant to spend the weekend lying on the couch watching TV, drinking beer and snacking on chips.
Igor Ivanov:
The World after START
That’s about how the approaches of Russian analysts were divided a year ago, when light clouds in the area of arms control turned into an actual storm, that is, when the theoretical prospect of the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the INF Treaty became a political reality. Those who advocated saving the treaty at any cost and by any means found themselves ...