... significant than the leaders of Western countries could even theoretically admit at that time.
The fundamental significance of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia for international politics was that it was a collective attack, perpetrated by a large group ... ... state, and marked the watershed between a time when a peaceful world order could still be expected, and the resumption of the Cold War in a new form.
In his book “The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations”,...
... United States arranged armed interference in the internal affairs of other states?
Dmitry Trenin:
Today, at the height of the Ukrainian crisis, but before its culmination, this issue has more historical significance. I remember well that during the Cold War, NATO’s strategy provided for nuclear strikes against the forces of Warsaw Pact Organization in order to stop their rapid attack in the direction of the English Channel and to create conditions for negotiations between the United States and the Soviet ...
... where our memories come into play. I remember the euphoria accompanying the fall of the Berlin Wall and the alleged end of the Cold War, which led to a unipolar world. But how many of us do properly recall the major events that have occurred in recent years?... ... for perpetual war, with the danger of the obliteration of most of humanity. Those of us who remember have only to recall how NATO, instead of disbanding, ignored Russia’s concerns and attempts at serious dialogue, expanded, and then illegally bombed ...
... ties between Moscow and Washington
In a comprehensive interview with
Newsweek
, Russian ambassador to the United States Anatoly Antonov laid out his country's demands to the West on the current crisis over Ukraine, discussed the importance of the ... ... Putin
in September 2017 and he has served as the face of the powerful nation's diplomatic presence in the U.S.
Relations between Cold War-era rivals the U.S. and Russia have long been defined by tensions and marked with significant points of cooperation. ...
... several factors that allow us to talk about good chances for success,”
the professor explained.
Firstly, he claims, during the Cold War, the Soviet Union was concerned with enemies on more than one front. Now, with Beijing on the side of Moscow, Russia ... ... side of ‘Greater Eurasia.’”
“The big question is where Germany will end up,”
he concluded, referring to the dominant NATO power that has embarked on the controversial Nord Stream 2 project with Russia, despite staunch objections from NATO allies ...
... War.”
Salon
, 15 April 2015.
bit.ly/2Y3ehlv
.
Cohen, Stephen F. “The parity principle in U.S.-Soviet relations: lanterns that illuminate missiles in the background.”
The New York Times
, 26 June 1981.
tiny.cc/zy4ksz
.
Engle, Eric. “A new Cold War? Cold peace, Russia, Ukraine, and NATO ....”
SSRN Electronic Journal
, 2014.
Friedman, Thomas L. “Foreign affairs; now a word from X.”
The New York Times
, 2 May 1998.
nyti.ms/3qkt6Lr
.
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (UK). “Libya: examination of intervention and ...
... the growth of its nuclear forces, there are other powers who have joined the nuclear weapons states club as independent players. The United Kingdom and France, which developed their weapons in the 1950s and 1960s, have always been U.S. allies within NATO, and their weapons were always considered by Moscow to be part of the Western bloc’s combined nuclear arsenal. Cold War-era nuclear bipolarity that coincided with a similar ideological and geopolitical division (China remained largely introverted during that period) transformed into multipolarity. Strategic stability ceased being an issue for Moscow and Washington ...
... its desire to become part of the extended Euro-Atlantic community: Its pleas to be treated as an equal by the United States did not impress Washington, and its demands that its national security interests be respected were ignored in the process of NATO enlargement. And so from the early 2010s, the Kremlin started charting a course that was clearly at odds with its earlier policies of Western integration.
With the Russian military intervention in Ukraine in 2014, the breakout from the post-Cold War, Western-dominated order was complete. The takeover of Crimea and support for separatism in Donbass did not presage a policy of reconquering Eastern Europe, as many in the West feared, but it clearly set Ukraine and other former Soviet republics ...
..., has changed substantially. Instead of the Cold War’s rigid bipolarity, and the Pax Americana’s unipolarity, there are several independent players in the game. The United States, though no longer as dominant as it was right after the end of the Cold War, remains the strongest power by far. It also remains the leader of NATO, to which two other nuclear powers, the United Kingdom and France, belong. America faces a comprehensive challenge from China, however, and is in a confrontation with Russia. By contrast, China and Russia, officially designated by the United States ...
... satisfactory level of stability and predictability, both in Europe and in the world as a whole.
This model included numerous channels of political interaction, contacts among militaries, risk mitigation measures and arms control treaties. Furthermore, the Cold War model was based on mutual respect and even a degree of mutual trust. So why not fall back on this time-tested con-frontation management practice, using such mechanisms as the NATO–Russia Council, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe, or new ad-hoc formats like the Russia-NATO Crisis Management Group, which has been repeatedly proposed?
At this stage the name of the game ...
