... any disagreement or dissent.
Liberal world order: a political oxymoron?
Andrey Kortunov:
Seven Debates over the Fourteen Points
In the American intellectual tradition, the phrase “rule-based order” is, strictly speaking, synonymous of “liberal world order.” Liberalism as the basis of the ideological and political vision shared by Americans goes back to the first European colonists migrating to America. These were the bearers of bourgeois ideology, the ideas of human freedom, equality, the right to private ...
... public goods carry greater weight than the global balance of power. Liberals produce a constant stream of ideas about the new world order that would be based on harmonizing the interests of all the participants of the international system instead of the ... ... further development than the liberal approach as it remains more of an outline for a new theory than a theory as such. In general, liberalism is more sensitive to changes in the international environment and to the fluctuations in the “currency basket” ...
... success, are fragmented and internally weak. So the West has a historic chance and opportunity to maintain and reform the liberal world order.
The advantage of such a picture is that it is universal, simple and extremely understandable to wide circles—from ... .... One used to take it for granted. Although I, for example, cannot fully understand where to pinpoint the countries in which liberalism has not been very popular. In Europe there are many. For example, are social democratic systems liberal democracies?...
... new global world.
Today, such causal relationships look much less convincing than three decades ago. Political and economic liberalism are undergoing tough times; their fundamental principles are being questioned even in the so-called historical West,... ... become the main driver of these processes in the future remains open.
Interim Results
Andrey Kortunov:
Who Will Build the New World Order?
What does all this mean for our perception of globalization? Perhaps none of the above sections is sufficient to ...
... Within Orders: A New Paradigm for Greater Eurasia
When Mearsheimer equates the American order of the 1990s with a liberal order, he is talking primarily about its ideology. It does not even occur to him to extend the theme of the crisis of the liberal world order to ideological liberalism and liberalism as a state form of government.
Incidentally, if we take a scientifically balanced position, then, as a modern political project, liberalism does not really exist and was never fully realized. Nowhere was the liberal program envisioned ...
... assessments and more cautious in his conclusions than the “young” Fukuyama. And still, he makes worthwhile reading, at least in order to trace the tell-tale evolution of one of the most notable and consistent proponents of the political philosophy of liberalism.
Ivan Timofeev:
World Order Or World Anarchy? A Look at the Modern System of International Relations
For instance, while Fukuyama previously viewed the state as a hindrance to socioeconomic development than a means towards it, now he stresses the importance of strong ...
The conclusion is clear: to preserve the liberal world order by all means, to rationalize United States policy, and to isolate Russia and China or make them return to their usual roles. But a return of the old order of post-bipolar times is unlikely
Andrey Kortunov:
Why the World is Not Becoming ...
... centuries ago, Japanese samurais understood the crisis of the Christian world order not very much as the crisis of Christianity, but more accurately as the crisis of occidental Christian elites. Today, Japanese leaders understand the crisis of the liberal world order not very much as the crisis of liberalism, but more accurately as the crisis of Western liberal elites. The problem may not be liberalism
per sei
, but instead the
quasi-religious zeal
of contemporary Western liberals who want to paint everything in the color of liberalism. A similar ...
...
Wilson’s doctrine fell into the trap of man’s dual nature proposed by Augustine of Hippo. Man’s divine nature was more than offset by its devious nature, with its irresistible passion for destruction. Reinhold Niebuhr, one of the greatest critics of liberalism in international relations, would subsequently strengthen this thesis, pointing out that the depravity of the human nature was multiplied out of proportion in organized communities such as states. Therefore, only the fear of mutual destruction ...
... Fourteen Points as a declaration of American imperialism needs refinement, then the widespread Western view that Wilsonianism and the accompanying world order are inseparable from liberal ideology needs to be clarified. The relationship between the liberal world order and liberalism as a political ideology is not always clear cut. Historically, the foundation of this world order was indeed created primarily by liberal Western democracies. These countries aside, there simply was no one else who could be at the table discussing ...
