... countries. In this context, Vietnam adheres to the balancing strategy and pursues cooperation with all priority partners.
Russian experts indicated Russia’s readiness to deepen relations with Vietnam both in the bilateral format and within BRICS+, the EAEU+ and the SCO+. According to them, Vietnam could claim to become a party in the Russia–China–Vietnam triangle in Eurasia. In addition, Moscow and Hanoi can develop partnership in ensuring the energy, food and financial security of the region, that allows Vietnam to diversify economic ties, and Russia to develop the concept of the Greater ...
... already sensitive issue of access for Mongolian goods to the Russian market. Tariff and non-tariff barriers, especially for livestock products, are a point of contention that the Mongolian side frequently raises.
On the Interim Trade Agreement Between the EAEU and Mongolia
Victoria Namzhilova:
Economic Corridor “China — Mongolia — Russia”: Infrastructure in Focus
Russia and Mongolia began discussions on developing preferential trade cooperation within the EAEU several years ago. In 2020, a joint research group was formed to assess the possible effects of ...
... concept of the Indo-Pacific. In Moscow, they often look at this concept as a US-designed strategic framework aimed at insulating China in the region and at turning nations of the Indian and Pacific Oceans coastline into obedient vassals of Washington. Moreover,... ... organizations, such as the Russia-Belarus Union State, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Furthermore, other influential ...
... formation of the regional security architecture and a new model for the SCO’s functioning is becoming a fundamental issue. This again returns us to the problem of communication and mutual understanding at the bilateral level. Since 2015, Russia and China have not formed a common vision of the idea of a Greater Eurasian Partnership put forward by Russia, just as they have not found a model for the confluence of two national initiatives—the EAEU and the Belt and Road.
Establishing communication in Russian-Chinese relations via the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation space in order to maintain constructive, rather than competitive interaction between members does not imply the development of ...
... however, are still not clearly outlined: There is conceptual uncertainty as to what exactly should be considered as projects indicating progress in the pairing of the EAEU and the BRI. Cooperation with China takes place at the bilateral level. In 2018, China and the EAEU signed an agreement on trade and economic cooperation, which includes trade promotion, harmonization of procedures and rules, e-commerce agenda, etc. The agreement is not preferential and does not seriously change the parameters of interaction. It ...
... are more than 150 countries that have joined the Belt and Road Initiative in the form of Memorandums of Understanding, and it is obviously totally voluntary. The countries that choose to do it, and the collaboration that occurs, for example, between China and these individual nations that are part of the Belt and Road Initiative, is voluntary. And China does not attempt to impose conditionalities about internal policies in those countries, but simply bases it on the idea of developing these kinds ...
... bilateral Russian-Kyrgyz agenda is mainly focused on issues of trade, economic cooperation and regional security.
Kyrgyzstan’s importance to Russia is determined by the prospects of maintaining the Russian presence in Central Asia against the backdrop of China’s growing economic and infrastructural influence, the U.S. military and political fast tracking in the region, opportunities for economic projects in the KR mining industry, export destinations (primarily, the supplies of fuel and lubricants, ...
...
However the problem is not only China’s power or its “creeping expansion” as such. There are systemic contradictions regarding preferred formats for linking integration initiatives. While the most advisable approach for Russia is institutional (EAEU-China dialogue, in which the EAEU would act as a single political and economic entity), China prefers a flexible “project” approach, which implies bilateral agreements between inpidual countries participating in specific projects (Mikhailenko, 2018,...
... all of the five BRICS members – represented by the BEAMS platforms consisting of BIMSTEC, Eurasian Economic Union, the ASEAN-China FTA, Mercosur and the South African Customs Union – leading to the addition of up to 25 members (the 5 times 5 geometric ... ... regional integration blocs such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), ASEAN, SAARC, EAEU. Such an extended platform across all three continents of the Global South may be termed as TRIA (
Trilateral Intercontinental ...
... the main regions of the Global South via aggregating the regional integration platforms in Eurasia, Africa and Latin America. Going forward this format may be further expanded to include other regional integration blocks from Eurasia, such as the GCC, EAEU and others.
During the meeting of foreign ministers of BRICS countries China also announced plans to open up the possibility of developing countries joining the core BRICS grouping. This approach differed to some degree from the line pursued by BRICS in the preceding years, when any expansion outside of the BRICS core was ...
