Working Paper No. 83 / 2024
Working Paper No. 83 / 2024
The following working paper presents the results of foreign economic activity of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) following its establishment. The author carefully analyzes free trade zone agreements (FTZs) as a key tool for developing the Union’s foreign economic relations. Additionally, the author assesses the effectiveness of existing EAEU FTZ agreements with third countries, as well as the outlook for new agreements. This research aims...
... perspective on this, believing “the Indo-Pacific” to be an opportunity to expand its political and economic presence east of the Strait of Malacca. As far as this standpoint goes, the central place in the emergent mega-region is assigned to the ASEAN nations rather than the U.S.
Obviously, India will not give up on fostering closer ties with its numerous partners in the Asia-Pacific, ranging from Japan and South Korea in the north up to Australia and New Zealand to the south, and this will be the case regardless of developments and the ...
... cooperation both with developed nations (such as interactions along the ASEAN-EU axis) and developing economies (Cambodia as an ASEAN representative taking part in the 2022 BRICS+ summit), this regional integration may become the pivotal factor in coupling ... ... institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank and such forums as G20 where developed states thus far largely play a dominant role.
India’s and Africa’s key role
Ekaterina Arapova:
The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity: America’s Answer to ...
... geo-economic space and lead to even more unpredictable consequences for the global systemic transition, perhaps even ultimately giving an edge to one of the superpowers and in turn endangering the grand strategic interests of Great Powers like Russia, India, and ASEAN (if one conceptualizes the bloc as whole as one like some do the EU).
Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury:
India Will Continue to Be Neutral
For this reason, it is incumbent on India to do its utmost to avert that scenario by replicating its policy towards ...
... entrenched in the region, and, as far as possible, diversify the supply chains of those RCEP participants that are strategically important for the United States. This priority also determines which countries will be involved in the initiative. These include India, which has pulled out of the RCEP, and the “system-forming core” of Japan, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and the six fastest-growing ASEAN countries. In turn, the exponentially growing dependence on China in the context of post-COVID development exacerbates the dilemma of export-oriented countries that are in dire need of external sources of growth.
The Investment and Infrastructure ...
... certainly object to any such formal announcement, and neither Russia nor India wants to inadvertently risk having that country view their truly neutral grand strategic intentions with suspicion.
Vietnam
To begin, it deserves mentioning that Russia and India each have strategic partnerships with the centrally positioned ASEAN state of Vietnam. It would therefore be best if they incorporated that country into the VCMC and began trilaterally coordinating with it. The Vietnamese President was just in Moscow where he and his host agreed to renew their strategic partnership....
... among the three great powers. Such interaction is also needed for engagement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a key aspect of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. It is even more necessary for building up the Shanghai Cooperation Organization ... ... Eurasian/Indo-Pacific issues with Washington and Tokyo, which are linked with New Delhi through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Much as India finds Russia’s partnership with China useful for managing its own relations with Beijing, Moscow could use its close relations ...
... possible for Moscow to narrow down its differences with other regional perspectives. As Russia’s dialogue with ASEAN countries and Vietnam, in particular, shows, Moscow
is ready
to “explore promising areas of interaction” in the framework of ASEAN Indo-Pacific Outlook. India’s vision, as should be well realised in Moscow, does not contradict Russian convictions and leaves much space for engagement in a wide range of spheres. By making an exception from its stance and embracing India’s Indo-Pacific Vision, Russia ...
... Eastern and Western vectors. With India’s Eastern longitudinal stretch, both seaboard and inland, its position in the North-Eastern section and its obscuring black-hole, starved from rudimentary development, abutting South East Asia with one half of the Indian manufacturing GDP for exports. Besides the civilizational contacts, the process of fostering comprehensively intimating ties with the ASEAN comity of nations, as with other economic titans in East Asia, has been a signature initiative of the Modi government during 2014-2019, with no reason for it to flag or dampen. It ought to intensify across intertwining dimensions of augmented trading ...
... crucial boxes for Russian foreign policy ideology.
First, the region is home to rising powers which, according to the official Russian theory, will build the new ‘polycentric world’ and these players include both individual countries such as China, India or Indonesia and organizations like the SCO and ASEAN itself. Second, the principle of non-alignment, multilateralism and inclusivity in the form of ASEAN-centric organizations is still in vogue here, that is, there is ‘Asian NATO’, but instead a dense network of inclusive dialogue platforms (even ...
