...
Eight Principles of the “Greater Eurasian Partnership”
According to a study, between 2015 and 2020, Russian supplies amounted for 62% of the arms market in the whole region. This percentage has considerably increased during the last decade, with Kazakhstan being the largest consumer of the area [
viii
]. However, this monopoly is not equally distributed among Central Asian states. Uzbekistan prefers buying weapons from China, while Turkey is the largest arms supplier for Turkmenistan [
ix
].
In case of a conflict, together with the actual military presence on the ground, Russia holds another two trump cards. In peacetime, Central ...
... freight transit across Kazakhstan in 2018 only
slightly exceeded
17 million tonnes, which is a fraction of the volume carried along the Trans-Siberian Railway.
Underdevelopment of the infrastructure is the result of a variety of factors. For instance, Kazakhstan was the only country formed after the fall of the USSR that had a relatively well-developed railway network connecting all its regions. In other Central Asian states, transport between regions relied on transit through neighbouring countries. In Uzbekistan, the only railway connection from Tashkent to Termez was through Turkmenistan.
Andrey Kortunov, Marlene Laruelle:
Envisioning Opportunities for U.S.-Russia Cooperation in and with Central Asia
In the almost 30 years since the collapse of the ...
... Militants from various terrorist groups in the region cooperate, many of them fighting in Syria and Iraq. But the biggest threat to Central Asia’s security is the situation in Afghanistan, where the Taliban provide organisational and logistics support to the
Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan
(IMU). Despite sustaining a significant blow, with its main groups squeezed out of the region, it still maintains a ... ... Uyghur separatists. Cells of the Islamic State (ISIS) (a terrorist organisation banned in Russia) also operate in the region.
Kazakhstan: Effective Peacekeeping Measures
Alexander Yermakov:
Challenges to Eurasian Security in the Coming Decade
The main ...
The Working Group on the Future of U.S.-Russia Relations’ Report
Central Asia stands out as a comparatively “nontoxic” region where there are limited, but not insignificant, opportunities for U.S.-Russia collaboration both bilaterally and within multilateral frameworks: in the space industry, civil security, job-creation ...
... China Export & Credit Insurance Corporation, Sinosure. Sinosure is moving into Belt and Road economies such as Azerbaijian, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan with a clear mandate to underwrite state lending activities in the region. However lacking competition and without ... ... ensure that China’s renminbi (RMB) is the currency of choice. While greater overseas direct investment (ODI) from China in the Central Asian and Caucasus economies may be welcome, it is important to understand that with the lack of any competition, and ...
... is a need to resolve more pending issues, both domestic and foreign. However, the rhetorics of the U.S. President as well as a number of «new tendencies» in the region (first of all, Sh. Mirziyoyev’s inauguration for the post of the President of Uzbekistan and the start of reforms in Kazakhstan) suggest some of the most obvious lines for further U.S. policy line in Central Asia.
It is necessary to note that safeguarding human rights and the essence of political regimes in Central Asian states are not being a key issue in the speeches of D.Trump and the U.S. administration office representatives. The most famous ...
... official Daniel Rosenblum signaled a shift in the direction of American policy in Central Asia, reflecting some critical economic, political and security developments in the area. The June 9th speech comes after an unprecedented five-country tour of Central Asia-- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-- by Secretary of State Kerry last November.
In the same address to the House Foreign Affairs Committee last year, Rosenblum detailed the usual multifold approach to Central Asia— the promotion of state sovereignty, security, economic ...
... decision-making systems, etc.) mean that capitals have an excessive importance for their countries. In the post-Soviet era, no Central Asian country has seen regime change through peripheral conflicts. The partly-Islamist revolt in Andijon, Uzbekistan in May 2005 was crushed swiftly and ruthlessly, although the uprising was definitely the most powerful in the former USSR and the rebels enjoyed massive support among the local population. The December 2011 riot in Mangystaut Region, Kazakhstan’s largest oil producing territory, was quashed with similar alacrity. And on the contrary, imposed control over ...
... is an important foreign policy element, primarily vis-à-vis Russia. With good reason, states close to Russia such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan celebrate Victory Day in a manner close to Russian both in content (military parade) and semantics (terminology, etc.). Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have renamed the celebration the Day of Remembrance and Mourning, while Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan ... ... in the Victory Parade in Moscow and demonstrate their readiness to cooperate with Russia.
In a nutshell, young communities in Central Asia are seeing their memory of the Great Patriotic War be refreshed through concerted efforts undertaken by the older ...
... Iranians belong to the Indo-European linguistic family. Throughout its independence, Kazakhstan has become Iran's largest trading partner in the region, with the swap-based... ... Russia's transit monopoly and provide gas supplies to different markets.
Iran's policy in Central Asia seems acceptable even for those external forces that exert pressure on... ... aspects in Iran-Uzbek relations were initially associated with the American vector of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. However, the gradual lifting of sanctions and Iran's...
