... will not backtrack on its recent decisions.
Rising role of regional powers
Increasing autonomy of the Gulf states gives more room for positive policy change and more space to secure their own role in the MENA region. Besides, Sunni leaderships of the GCC states—namely, Saudi Arabia and the UAE—are attempting to confront what they call the “aggressive interventionism” of the Shia Iran in the Levant and Iraq. Another competitor is Türkiye with its “Neo-Ottoman” expansionism, which is reflected in the Emirati-Turkish confrontation ...
... but this is not a decisive factor. The GCC has outspent Iran in terms of military equipment, and the UAE’s military arsenal is of far superior quality and sophistication. The U.S. has various security agreements and numerous military bases in the UAE and other GCC countries. The UAE’s close cooperation with the U.S. has been central to its military strategy. Approximately 5,000 military personnel are stationed at UAE facilities such as Jebel Ali, the air base in Al-Dhafra, and the port area of Fujairah.
Any ...
... is diversity in security policy in Europe and the Gulf. The EU has a specific relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), they have been working on a free trade agreement for some 18 years and it is still not complete. But relations to the EU ... ... example of quite close partnership with the EU and the new delegation to Kuwait is an indication of their relationship. The UAE too is allied to nearly all EU states.
Saudi Arabia accused Qatar of supporting terrorism. In your opinion, are these claims ...
On November 12–13, 2017, Abu-Dhabi hosted the Fourth Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate, organized by Emirates Policy Center with the support of UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The meeting brought together around 300 participants. Timur Makhmutov, RIAC Deputy Director of Programs, took part in the panel session on the role of Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East region.
On November ...
... What’s Next?
The first model was centered on a regional hegemonic power that could takes responsibility for stability in its “natural” sphere of influence. In the Gulf case, the role of the regional hegemon is claimed jointly by Saudi Arabia and UAE, with Saudis providing most of the “hard” power, while Emirati contributing its political ideology and strategic vision. Even if we put aside moral and legal deficiencies of this model, both Yemen and Qatar cases question the mere feasibility ...
... challenge to Riyadh’s authority. The possibility of Qatar joining this duo threatened Saudi Arabia’s leading role in the GCC, which could split the pact into two triads.
In light of the above, it is quite clear that the campaign against Qatar could ... ... Manoeuvres
As far as future developments are concerned, Qatar’s opponents may have various scenarios in mind. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are probably considering a change of Qatar’s leadership, possibly via military coup with the goal of placing someone fully ...
Despite differences over Syria and the Iranian nuclear deal, contemporary GCC-Russian relations are arguably at an apex, both in terms of shared interests and mutual understanding
Russian and GCC commentators are well-acquainted with the Western views regarding the GCC region. However, Russian and GCC commentators are comparatively ...
... gas processing, a broad range of petrochemical and other manufacturing industries, and agriculture. It is the only way to escape from oil export dependency in economic development. Russia can take an active role in these sectors with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait.
GCC Map
3. A GCC
Perspective
Abdulaziz AlDoseri, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies
Months before signing the nuclear deal with P5+1, Iranian officials headed to London to showcase 45 oil and gas projects aiming to double ...
