... was made part of Russia-China’s high- and top-level dialogue. In June 2024, it was further elaborated in Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Russian Foreign Ministry. [
14
] The idea of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia was discussed during the Russia-India summit in Moscow. The initiative is making strides through a joint statement by the CIS foreign ministers on the principles of cooperation and security in Eurasia [
15
], as well as through a Russian–Belarusian statement on Joint Vision of the
Eurasian Charter ...
... opportunity not only to offer its expertise in fighting the “three evils” to partner countries but also to respond to Indian accusations of sponsoring terrorist groups.
Julia Melnikova, Natalia Viakhireva, Gleb Gryzlov:
The Issue of Connectivity in India-Russia Relations — From Eurasia to the Arctic
In practice, this means that SCO summit declarations must give voice to both India and Pakistan. For example, the Tianjin declaration simultaneously condemns cross-border terrorism and the terrorist attack on 22 April in Pahalgam, a town in the Indian-administered part of Kashmir....
...
2
]. Already in 2016–2017 it was named one of the key factors of New Delhi’s growth [
3
]. For Russia the notion is relatively new, and it does not yet stand out as a separate piece of foreign policy agenda [
4
]. A conceptual difference in how Russia and India see connectivity is also to grasp.
For Moscow the idea has a clear outward focus and comprehensive nature, as it is trying to find the way to organise vast space around itself, as well as balance interests in Eurasia with India and China. The 2023 Foreign Policy Concept states Russia’s unique ...
... Japan and in India and that the concept is not about consolidating the US hegemony, but about maintaining ASEAN’s centrality in this huge economic and geopolitical space. The Indian perception is that in any case the concept is not directed against Russia and Moscow has no reasons to worry about it. Furthermore, India could even assist Russia in getting its entrance ticket to the club of Indo-Pacific nations, if Moscow decides to pursue this goal.
Prior to the launch of the Special Military Operation in February of 2022, there were active discussions within the ...
... online seminar ‘Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in the New World Order. Scenarios of Evolution’. The meeting was an opening event within the initiative aimed at developing the trilateral cooperation of Russian, Indian and Chinese think tanks.
Russian, Indian and Chinese experts discussed the current interaction between Moscow, New Delhi and Beijing on the basis the SCO; the possibilities to apply the Organisation's experience while interacting with the Global South countries, and the prospects of the SCO being a pillar of the Eurasian security architecture.
Andrey Kortunov,...
... BRI, has already deepened economic ties between Pakistan and China. Russia's potential involvement in the BRI can extend these benefits to a broader regional context, linking Eurasia through infrastructure, trade and energy projects that span from Moscow to Islamabad.
Moreover, the BRICS grouping, which brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Ethiopia, Iran, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, offers another avenue for Russia–Pakistan cooperation. While India is a member of BRICS, Russia and Pakistan can still find common ground within this framework to address ...
... Russia’s deliveries of crude oil, as well as of coal and fertilisers to India. In view of the massive Westen economic sanctions and the rapid demise of the Russia-EU strategic energy partnership, Moscow had to sell a lot of its oil to India at heavily discounted prices. On the other hand, the Indian export to Russia did not change in any significant way over the last year—neither in overall numbers, nor in its structure. As a result, we now observe a very significant Russia-India trade imbalance, which questions sustainability of the recent spectacular progress ...
... mutually.
Above and apart from connectivity initiatives, India’s engagement with the CARs is also gaining prominence due to New Delhi’s dual presidency of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as well as the Grouping of 20 economies (G20). The SCO, particularly comprising China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India, and Pakistan, covers over 60% of the Eurasian landmass and is pivotal for India’s outreach towards the region. Throughout different occasions, New Delhi has also emphasized the need for greater cooperation in domains such as infrastructure development,...
On October 13, Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) organized a roundtable titled “Keeping ... ... of the Ukraine crisis: new phase and progressing strategic implications”. Discussion centred on the prospects of Russia – India relations, potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and current trends on international markets. Russian experts ...
... One could be how to avoid the weaponization of international finance or how to promote bilateral trade amongst members. Another area of interest is security. The SCO has traditionally focused on counterterrorism, an important issue for countries like Russia and India. The SCO should at least capture the benefits of some low hanging fruit. The SCO is relevant, and its future depends on how opportunities are used by its leaders.
First published in the
Gateway House
.
