... into a treaty, peace treaty, it was not an alliance, but a peace treaty in 1971, which was again renewed after 30 years, when Russia came into being after the demise of the Soviet Union. But India is too big to be a junior partner. India sees itself as ... ... trying to ensure its own technological sovereignty or digital sovereignty, just as we see it in the European Union, Russia or China? So, we see this trend on a digital independence in the 21st century virtually everywhere. What’s happening in India on ...
... the 2008 financial crisis, the first Ukrainian Crisis from 2013-2014 that resulted in Crimea’s democratic reunification with Russia, former U.S. President Donald Trump’s election in 2016, the black swan event of COVID-19 from early 2020, and Russia’s ... ... special military operation in Ukraine raised concerns that this targeted Great Power would become disproportionately dependent on China in response since the People’s Republic was considered to be its only reliable valve from Western pressure. That expectation ...
... Mandarin). The
joint statement
made by Presidents Xi and Putin on February 4, 2022, can be assessed as a pinnacle of this bonding. It would be, however,
premature
to call this accord an alliance, let alone a military one. In the ongoing developments, China, on its part, has been struggling to balance on a fine line between avoiding accusations of directly
helping
Russia and sticking to its commitment that a strategic partnership presupposes.
On the conceptual level, neither Russia nor China accept the Indo-Pacific framing used by some regional powers (Australia, Japan and India in the first place), as well as ...
... supply of Russian and Ukrainian grain, as well as Russian and Belarusian fertilizers to world markets. The role of international organizations (FAO, G20, BRICS) in ensuring global food security was also discussed. Leading international researchers from China, the USA, Great Britain, Ukraine, and Russia took part in the event. Russian side was represented at the event by Andrey Kortunov, RIAC Director General.
Working Paper #66, 2022
Working Paper #66, 2022
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict will lead to long-term global socio-economic and political consequences in the foreseeable future. Russian and foreign experts are currently exploring a wide range of scenarios for such transformation—from relatively positive ...
... Kremlin both under Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin. He is still considered close to Russia’s president and foreign minister Sergey Lavrov. His recent proposals on Russian-speaking... ... we had to destroy it. Not by force, but through constructive destruction, through refusal to participate in it. But after the last demand to stop NATO was again rejected... ... existential war».
Sanctions are getting tighter. Will Russia become more dependent on China?
«There is no question about that: we will be more integrated and more dependent...
... de-dollarization and the use of national currencies in financial transactions. One of the cases in point was the discussion between China and Saudi Arabia on the possibility of using Chinese Yuan for settlements in lieu of Saudi’s oil deliveries to China. ... ... R5 concept, “the “R5 initiative” targets the use of the respective national currencies of BRICS countries – Rouble (Russia), Rand (South Africa), Real (Brazil), Rupee (India) and Renminbi (China) – within the BRICS+ circle and more broadly ...
... question of the balance of losses and gains of key participants, as well as global players. Such a balance has yet to be struck for Russia and Ukraine. Hostilities continue and a political settlement has not been reached, which means that it is still difficult ... ... and in terms of enormous damage to the economy. The contours of the balance for global and regional players—the EU, the US, China, Japan, Iran and others are more clearly visible.
The European Union bears the most serious losses and costs. They are associated ...
The U.S. felt that it needed to reshape European perceptions to revive the “Russian threat”, galvanizing the West under its hegemonic influence
Experts are scrambling to explain why the U.S. prioritized containing Russia over China despite most prior indicators very strongly suggesting that it would prioritize the second scenario. U.S. President Joe Biden largely continued his predecessor Donald Trump’s muscular approach towards the People’s Republic up until around last ...
... of the US development institutions such as “the Development Finance Corporation, USAID, EXIM, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, and the U.S. Trade and Development... ... can build more resilient connections with the world.”
Across the Global South only China has a globalization vision of similar ambition, namely the Belt and Road Initiative... ... the development institutions of the developing world.
What could be the response from Russia and the developing world? The experience of the past several decades suggests...
