Poland used to be an essential element of the socialist camp during its existence. The relationships of the Polish political establishment with the Russian leadership were not always simple. Most tense they were in critical 1956 and 1981. These were the years of mass protests in Poland. That said, leaders of both countries always managed to find a common language. The Soviet Union’s leadership was keenly interested in Polish experience of reforming economic model of socialism, political reforms of 1980-s and in what was later labeled “glasnost” in the USSR.
Poland used to be an essential element of the socialist camp during its existence. The relationships of the Polish political establishment with the Russian leadership were not always simple. Most tense they were in critical 1956 and 1981. These were the years of mass protests in Poland. That said, leaders of both countries always managed to find a common language. The Soviet Union’s leadership was keenly interested in Polish experience of reforming economic model of socialism, political reforms of 1980-s and in what was later labeled “glasnost” in the USSR.
The path of reforms
One of the main factors defining the peculiarity of social and political situation in Poland in the second half of 1980-s was the existence of the developed opposition structure – “Solidarity” trade union and related organizations. During the martial law in 1981-1983 the trade union was outlawed and many of its leaders were imprisoned. However, the organization resumed its work, although half-legally, already in 1986. Representatives of the working movement and the intelligentsia joined the ranks of the trade union. “Solidarity” became the center of gravity for the opposition anti-socialist forces having accumulated best practices and traditions of struggling against the political establishment of the People’s Republic of Poland.
The introduction of a martial law contributed to it a lot. The authorities managed to stop the country’s sliding into a civil war, prevent it from radicalizing and at the same time not to burn the bridges for the following dialogue with the opposition.
The collapse of socialism was preceded by the reformist activity of the Polish leadership. Poland had turned in a kind of laboratory for reforming the socialist model. Other countries of the block and especially the USSR were keeping a keen eye on the Polish experiments. The ambiguity of these reforms was implicated in the developments of the late 1980-s.
The understanding by the authorities of the necessity of reforms had an effect, among other things, on the way power was transferred to the opposition. General W. Yaruzelsky, the then leader of the country entered into negotiations with the opposition which resulted in the first so-called partially free elections in Poland. They became the prologue to the opposition’s taking over the power in the country.
Religious and messianic sentiments widely spread across different layers of society also played the role. They can largely be explained by historically strong influence of Catholic Church in Poland which over long period of time hasn’t existed as a unified state.
Not simple relations with the West, or nostalgia for the USSR
On the one hand, after the withdrawal from the socialist camp there took place the long awaited “returning to the single European home”: Poland became NATO member and joined the EU. On the other hand, a striking difference between Poland and other West European countries became most apparent. Conservatism and traditionalism of a significant part of the Polish society came in sharp contrast with the prevailing in Western Europe social priorities. And it is this factor that very often complicated relations between Warsaw and Brussels could be attributed to. They were especially tense in the time when the “Right and Justice” party of brothers Kachinsky was in power.
To a certain extent the support the party enjoyed reflected the level of the population’s frustration with the attempts to transform Polish society. The created economic model has up to now failed to deal with the unemployment problem. Emigration remains to be high. There is a serious gap between the budget revenues of Poland and other Western economies.
The Poles are also frustrated with the way the relations with new allies develop. Polish troops continue to remain in Afghanistan; they also took part in the military operations in Iraq. Memories are still fresh in Poland that in the times of the Warsaw Treaty Organization Polish troops were never involved into military missions of the Soviet Union.
Step toward Poland
Russia seeks to establish pragmatic relations with Poland. That said, Russian policy towards Poland has been primarily reactive until recently. It can largely be explained by the lack of constructive approach and interest of the Polish side in the development of bilateral relations. The relationships between Moscow and Warsaw were more often than not determined either by current internal political situation or considered through the prism of the relations with other partners, were interpreted instrumentally and thus were not self-sufficient. With the change of Poland’s approach to Russia after Donald Tusk’s “Civil Platform” party came to power in 2007, Moscow transformed its policy and made concessions to Warsaw on a number of sensitive for the Poles issues.
Poland’s interest to Russia can be explained by the following factors. Firstly, Poland is Russia’s neighbor – it borders on the Kaliningrad exclave. Secondly, Russian energy resources transportation routes to other European countries go through Poland. Besides, it should be remembered that Warsaw has became an EU and NATO member, and therefore Russian-Polish bilateral relations are determined, among other things, by Russia’s relationships with these organizations.
Russia through the prism of the European policy
(Polish diplomat Robert Ambrosyak answers the author’s questions)
- What is current Poland’s attitude to Russia?
- The attitude in contemporary Poland to Russia should be assessed only in the historical, social and other contexts that shape traditional image of the country in the minds of people. The attitude of the Poles to the image of Russia that has been shaped in the public opinion for a long time is one of the key factors, along with the expert community assessments, determining official policy pursued by the Polish leadership. Speaking about Poland’s attitude to Russia it’s necessary, on the one hand, to take into account the long-established public opinion and above all the role of mass media and other institutions that form this opinion.
On the other hand, in the wake of the recent institutional reforms, and namely – the enforcement of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and two bouts of the EU enlargement in 2004 and 2007 – the attitude of Poland to Russia can be viewed as a derivative of the EU’s attitude to its eastern neighbor. In the post-Soviet period Poland has been looking at Russia through the prism of European foreign policy which is based on the agreeing of the EU veto-wielding member states’ legitimate interests.
It is completely in line with the perception by Warsaw as a responsible EU and international community member of its commitments before Russia which officially declares its adherence to common European values and respect for human rights.
Russia is one of the world powers, civilizational center of gravity and capacious market with huge potential for development. Besides, it enjoys natural geo-political, economic and other advantages related to security sphere. Therefore it presents interest for Poland as the country of common European interests’ application. In this case what is meant is not the Euro-centric directive – to develop unilateral relations as prescribed by the European policy, but to establish a robust consensual algorithm of interaction in the international arena with a view to strengthening common European security.
- What are the prospects for the development of Russian-Polish relations?
- The future of the two countries’ relations depends not only on the resolution of the current urgent problems in the Russian-Polish dialogue, such as the Katyn issue. At the European level of perception the problem of Russia’s relations with the EU members and Poland in particular concerns mostly the creation of a common platform of values. The creation and similar understanding and interpretation of the law code complied with by both EU and Russia will facilitate the resolution of other problems and accelerate the establishment of a genuine strategic partnership.
Over the last two decades Russia and Poland have mostly had complicated relations. However, it can’t be unnoticed that in a few recent years they have dramatically improved. It’s obvious that this positive trend has a great potential. But will it be realized? It depends on many factors and above all on the way Russia’s relations with the West as a whole will be developing.
