Working Paper No. 83 / 2024
Working Paper No. 83 / 2024
The following working paper presents the results of foreign economic activity of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) following its establishment. The author carefully analyzes free trade zone agreements (FTZs) as a key tool for developing the Union’s foreign economic relations. Additionally, the author assesses the effectiveness of existing EAEU FTZ agreements with third countries, as well as the outlook for new agreements. This research aims...
... east of the Strait of Malacca. As far as this standpoint goes, the central place in the emergent mega-region is assigned to the ASEAN nations rather than the U.S.
Obviously, India will not give up on fostering closer ties with its numerous partners in the Asia-Pacific, ranging from Japan and South Korea ... ... confrontation. This cooperation follows its own logic and has its own dynamics, which are independent of external factors. Therefore, Russia should consider a more open and more empathetic approach to the New Delhi “Indo-Pacific” narrative than the one that ...
... would almost certainly object to any such formal announcement, and neither Russia nor India wants to inadvertently risk having that country view their truly neutral grand strategic intentions with suspicion.
Vietnam
To begin, it deserves mentioning that Russia and India each have strategic partnerships with the centrally positioned ASEAN state of Vietnam. It would therefore be best if they incorporated that country into the VCMC and began trilaterally coordinating with it. The Vietnamese President was just in Moscow where he and his host agreed to renew their strategic partnership....
... among the three great powers. Such interaction is also needed for engagement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a key aspect of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. It is even more necessary for building up the Shanghai Cooperation Organization ... ... Eurasian/Indo-Pacific issues with Washington and Tokyo, which are linked with New Delhi through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Much as India finds Russia’s partnership with China useful for managing its own relations with Beijing, Moscow could use its close relations with ...
... possible for Moscow to narrow down its differences with other regional perspectives. As Russia’s dialogue with ASEAN countries and Vietnam, in particular, shows, Moscow
is ready
to “explore promising areas of interaction” in the framework of ASEAN Indo-Pacific Outlook. India’s vision, as should be well realised in Moscow, does not contradict Russian convictions and leaves much space for engagement in a wide range of spheres. By making an exception from its stance and embracing India’s Indo-Pacific Vision, Russia could join several flagship programs of the Modi government like the Indo-Pacific ...
... security, under a Modi strategic calculus 2.0. (At the time of penning this account, India had not tallied, its federal election results).
The features of the electoral... ... the news of the Prime Minister being feted with highest civilian honors, first from Russia and latest by the UAE, for coveted contribution to the development of bilateral... ... civilizational contacts, the process of fostering comprehensively intimating ties with the ASEAN comity of nations, as with other economic titans in East Asia, has been a signature...
... of Economic Synergy and Political Consensus
Meanwhile, multilateral diplomacy in Asia is an agenda item that checks several crucial boxes for Russian foreign policy ideology.
First, the region is home to rising powers which, according to the official Russian theory, will build the new ‘polycentric world’ and these players include both individual countries such as China, India or Indonesia and organizations like the SCO and ASEAN itself. Second, the principle of non-alignment, multilateralism and inclusivity in the form of ASEAN-centric organizations is still in vogue here, that is, there is ‘Asian NATO’, but instead a dense network of inclusive dialogue platforms (even ...
