... those that have arisen repeatedly in the history of clashes of states in international politics. However, for the time being, we can assume that what is happening will have a stabilising effect in relation to the orders that emerged as a result of the Cold War, correcting existing distortions, but not eliminating their fundamental basis.
In this case, no matter how frightening the already-observed consequences may look, both for Russia or Europe, and indirectly for the rest of the world, their practical expression will affect the specific forms and manifestations of interaction between states. This, in fact, may be of interest to us now, since the most radical scenario makes ...
... eras of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation. He was appointed as envoy to Washington by Russian President
Vladimir Putin
in September 2017 and he has served as the face of the powerful nation's diplomatic presence in the U.S.
Relations between Cold War-era rivals the U.S. and Russia have long been defined by tensions and marked with significant points of cooperation. But a serious downturn occurred in 2014 after Washington supported an uprising opposed by Moscow in Ukraine, where Russia would go on to annex the Crimean Peninsula ...
... time China and Russia, and attempts to build a new bipolarity, where one pole would be the “world of democracies” led by the United States, and the other pole would be the “world of authoritarians” with the leading roles played by China and Russia. From attempts to universalise the American-centric world order, the United States has moved to its consolidation and defence, and from the “post-Cold War” era to the era of a new global confrontation.
US foreign policy is by no means becoming less ideological. Liberal ideology in its newest left-liberal form is turning from a means of expansion into an instrument for consolidating the “collective ...
The Soviet Union might have lost the first Cold War, but Russia is ahead in the rematch with the US and, this time, has every chance of coming out on top
The Soviet Union might have lost the first Cold War, but Russia is ahead in the rematch with the US and, this time, has every chance of coming out on top....
.... He loved Russia, the Russian intelligentsia and believed in our country’s future” (quoted in Steele, “Stephen Cohen obituary,” 2020).
2
. Chomsky. “... We’re facing ...,” 2015.
3
. Eric Engle argues that “[the] U.S. did not win the cold war: Russia lost it.” He further claims that “Russia and the West are unlikely to “enter into a new cold war, but most likely will enter [a] new era of ‘cold peace’ [due to the fact that] Russian ideology, [though] domestically popular ..., lacks ...
... Soviet Union. The countries with the largest nuclear arsenals and military establishments were also the two principal antagonists in the competition not so much for state primacy but for world ideological and socio-political hegemony. With the end of the Cold War, this is all over. Russia and the United States still possess the world’s largest by far nuclear weapons arsenals, but their relationship is no longer the main axis of world politics. The United States continues to be a superpower, but Russia is now a power of a different ...
... Soviet Union and the US were in confrontation. There was a high mutual interest on both sides then. Restrictions on contact and cooperation were extremely severe. But the trend was different, and reversed into a rapid and exponential growth once the Cold War ended. Today, the limits are far less rigid. But the outlook for the future is pessimistic. Any Black Swan event could turn this downtrend into a landslide fall. Russia and the US have ever fewer areas for cooperation. Economic ties are still growing despite the sanctions, but their total volume is as miserable as it has ever been. US trade with Russia amounts to half of its trade with Belgium. Arms control, which ...
... that its national security interests be respected were ignored in the process of NATO enlargement. And so from the early 2010s, the Kremlin started charting a course that was clearly at odds with its earlier policies of Western integration.
With the Russian military intervention in Ukraine in 2014, the breakout from the post-Cold War, Western-dominated order was complete. The takeover of Crimea and support for separatism in Donbass did not presage a policy of reconquering Eastern Europe, as many in the West feared, but it clearly set Ukraine and other former Soviet republics ...
... War goals. The intention of the Soviet side in 1986 was to end the Cold War, but the intention of the Western side was not merely to end it even on favorable terms, but to win it.
There were elements in the West, who were satisfied with the way the Cold War seemingly ended, because it looked like the Russian side had unilaterally surrendered. Even then, there was no attempt to implement the Kissingerian formula of drawing in Russia and China into co-managing a world order that was unstable because of the emergence of or transition to multipolarity....
... People’s Deputies, the Baltics, Bulgaria, Romania, the Gorbachev-Bush meeting in Malta… a breakthrough into a different era.
This is not just a calendar date or an occasion to recall bygone days. For the present generation of leading politicians both in Russia and in the West the end of the Cold War, and the collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist bloc were events that determined their outlook and still continue to affect life. The period of the 1980s and the 1990s remains fundamental. But a new generation of people has come, for ...
