Arrest of Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova Leader Vlad Filat Changes Political Scene in Moldova
Vlad Filat
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Political scientist, Moldova, RIAC expert
On October 15, 2015, the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova stripped Vlad Filat former Prime Minister and current leader of the Liberal Democratic Party – part of the governing Political Alliance for a European Moldova – of his parliamentary immunity by a vote of 79 to 22 (link in Russian). That same day, the Prosecutor’s Office ordered his arrest after prominent Moldavan businessman Ilan Shor confessed to giving Filat a $250-million pay-off.
On October 15, 2015, the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova stripped Vlad Filat former Prime Minister and current leader of the Liberal Democratic Party – part of the governing Political Alliance for a European Moldova – of his parliamentary immunity by a vote of 79 to 22 (link in Russian). That same day, the Prosecutor’s Office ordered his arrest after prominent Moldavan businessman Ilan Shor confessed to giving Filat a $250-million pay-off. Part of the money is connected with the “theft of one billion” from the country’s banking system, which makes Filat the main suspect in the case.
Speaking in parliament after he was stripped of immunity, Vlad Filat denied any wrongdoing, but made it clear that he was aware that his chances of being acquitted were slim. At the same time, he accused the leaders of the parties that voted to strip him of his immunity of turning him into a scapegoat, because he was not alone in committing the various misdeeds. Indeed, Filat claims that they are under the influence of Vlad Plakhotnyuk, unofficial leader of the Democratic Party of Moldova and Filat’s partner in the ruling coalition.
Filat said he was a victim of the system, in which Plakhotnyuk holds unlimited sway and controls all the other power institutions. This view has a following in Moldavan society, which shows that the wrath provoked by the theft of a billion dollars from the banking system is mainly politically motivated. It is becoming evident that the case was used by the political opposition not to topple Plakhotnyuk, but to sort out the stolen billion affair.
Now that Vlad Filat, and not Vlad Plakhotnyk, is behind bars the situation has changed dramatically. Political protests have been put on hold because the right-wing opposition (the YES Platform) needs time to rethink its strategy. An upfront challenge of Filat’s arrest is not an option because the incriminating evidence is too serious, but the Platform is not in the mood to resign itself to the situation. The opposition has gone on the warpath against Plakhotnyuk, and it cannot afford to fold its tents.
The Liberal Democrats, whose leader has been arrested, are also in a quandary. On the one hand, they have to protest in defence of Vlad Filat. On the other hand, the seriousness of the evidence forces them to tread warily and pin their hopes on challenging procedural matters: the mechanism of withdrawing immunity, the way the arrest was carried out, etc. Moreover, being in power, the Liberal Democrats do not want to shake the ruling coalition, as this may lose them their power positions, including the post of prime minister. The Prime Minister, Valery Strelets, who replaced Filat as party leader, said that he had no intention of leaving the alliance, although he did threaten tough action against the law enforcement bodies. To show that he is serious, he called for the resignation of Viorel Chetraru, the head of the National Anticorruption Centre.
The left-wing protest opposition, on the contrary, hailed Filat’s arrest, claiming that this was their first major success in fighting corruption and the ruling elite. It is unclear, though, how far they are prepared to go in encouraging protests. Because, unlike the right, they do not see Vlad Plakhotnyuk as their mortal enemy they are not planning any drastic actions.
Thus, the detention of Vlad Filat is the first instance in Moldova where a major political leader has been arrested on suspicion of corruption. The signs are that this turn of events is an elegant political ploy that has enabled Plakhotnyuk to get rid of his long-time foe and rival. The elegance consists in the fact that he achieves several important goals at one stroke: deprive the Liberal Democratic Party of its leader while keeping it within the alliance; announce the start of a serious anti-corruption drive; and sow confusion in the ranks of the opposition, which now has to revise its strategy. Plakhotnyuk seems to be keeping his head down, announcing his withdrawal from the Democratic Party leadership and suspending his party membership, which temporarily puts him out of reach of critics.
There is no end in sight to the political problems facing Moldova. The ruling alliance is in crisis and is likely to end up as a minority coalition. The removal of Filat leaves Plakhotnyuk in charge of what is happening in the country. However, he is not the official leader, and he prefers to put proxies in key positions, which creates problems because it undermines popular trust in Moldova’s political class.
That is why the authorities will have to make certain changes, especially with presidential elections due in the spring of 2016. To gain the 61 votes needed to elect a president, the support of the communists and Yuri Lyanke’s parliamentary group will have to be enlisted. This spells gradual changes in the parliamentary majority, including new members. Thus the fate of the Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova has been practically sealed: once the most influential party in Moldova, the “greens”, as they are known in Moldova, are becoming a marginal party.
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