RIAC Forecasting Report
Russia's Foreign Policy:
Looking Towards 2018
Moscow 2017
This report reflects the results of the work conducted by the Working Group for Forecasting. A systemic approach has been taken to identify the most important areas of Russia's foreign policy for 2018, as well as the key threats and opportunities for the country on the global arena. The geographic scope of the forecasts covers the West, the Asia Pacific, the Middle East and the post­Soviet states.
The authors hope that the ideas and conclusions provided in this report will be of use to the Russian authorities when making foreign policy decisions, and will come in handy for experts in international affairs, researchers and journalists.
The 2018 presidential elections will mark the beginning of a new foreign policy cycle for the Russian Federation. In the context of the elections, the main areas of foreign policy expected to be revised (with a certain amount of continuity), and these changes will be reflected in the respective conceptual foreign policy documents. The Russian presidential elections just so happen to coincide with the political cycles in a number of countries, including China, the United States, and several EU and Middle Eastern states. The "naked wire" or "dead wood" effect will only increase in international relations. Crisis scenarios may appear as a result of the intentional or unintentional actions of individual countries, or because of poor coordination in resolving issues that affect the entire world. Russia's key interest lies in creating favourable conditions for the country's internal development. Economic backwardness is a growing threat to Russia's sovereignty, narrowing the window of opportunity in foreign policy.
Russia and the West
The western dimension of Russia's foreign policy seems the most problematic.
The main results in this area in 2017 can be summed up as follows:

— Increased sanctions pressure on Russia; extended sanctions list and reasons
for imposing sanctions;

— Russia's "interference" in the U.S. elections; the transformation of the digital
environment into an area of increased risk in U.S.–Russia relations; growing
toxic; digital issues in relations with the European Union;

— Information war; media discrimination; the polarization of information discourse;

— Stagnation in the implementation of the Minsk Protocol;

— Demonstrations of strength and capacity building by Russia and NATO in areas
where their interests intersect;

— A lack of breakthroughs with regard to common challenges and threats; increased negative impact of problem areas (Ukraine, digital issues, etc.) on
areas of common interest.
Challenges and Threats
1
An anti­Russia information campaign in the run­up to the presidential elections; a smear campaign to undermine the legitimacy of the Russian political
system.
2
Proliferation of the sanctions regime; extra­territorial use of the sanctions by
the United States and its foreign partners against Russia; increasing cost of risk of Russian investment projects.
3
Tapering of U.S.–Russia cooperation in areas where cooperation still exists
(aviation, space, etc.).
4
Erosion of arms control regimes.
5
Degradation of relations with the European Union; the restructuring of EU policy to follow that of the United States.
6
Growing differences on information security; increasing vulnerability to digital provocations and cybercrimes.
7
Increased measures of mutual deterrence on the part of Russia and NATO.
Opportunities
1
Formation of a "multi­speed" sanctions regime against Russia. The opportunity
to swiftly enter into a constructive dialogue with the European Union in the event that progress is made on the Ukrainian issue.
2
Moving the Minsk process forward, honouring the conditions of the ceasefire and disengagement of the warring sides as part of the United Nations' peacekeeping mission along the demarcation line.
3
Developing a dialogue on cybersecurity; steps to increase mutual predictability in cyberspace; segmentation of cyber issues into various "baskets"; substantive
discussion of specific issues; "de­scandalizing" the problem
4
Developing a dialogue with the European Union as part of "selective cooperation." Imbuing the notion of "selective cooperation" with a concrete meaning and draft proposals; gradually expanding the issue of "selective cooperation."
5
Advancing cooperation between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) on the development of Eurasian economic integration.
The priority tasks of the western dimension of Russia's foreign policy in 2018
1
Stabilizing relations with the United States ("managing the confrontation") and developing relations with the European Union.
2
Restoring a dialogue at various levels and in various formats, gradually
"unfreeze" cooperation and searching for alternative forms of interaction.
3
Preventing tensions from escalating; to work together to reduce the hostile
rhetoric.
4
Continuing dialogue on common threats and challenges and preventing the curtailment of cooperation in mutually beneficial areas.
5
Maintaining and developing deterrence potential, which is necessary in the event of a security threat coming from the West.
Russia and the Middle East
Being a hotbed of radical Islamist ideology the Middle East remains a source of threat for Russia and its allies. At the same time, Russia is consolidating its role has a responsible global power that assists in resolving common security issues.
The main results for 2017 in this area are as follows:

— The liberation of a significant part of Syria from the hands of Islamic State with
the direct participation of Russia. The creation of conditions for moving the
peace process forward and rebuilding Syria.

— Agreements on de­escalation zones, prevention of clashes between Russia and
the United States in Syria, progress in the Astana Peace Process.

— Normalization of relations with Turkey.

— Development of relations with Saudi Arabia, co­ordinating interaction on the
oil markets.

— Maintaining the status quo with regard to Iran's nuclear program.
Challenges and Threats
1
Disruption or stagnation of the peace process as a result of contradictions both within Syria and among external players (disagreements between Russia and the United States, Turkey's stance on the Kurdish issue, the question of Iran's influence in the region).
2
The persisting terrorist threat.
3
The return of Islamic State fighters to Russia and the post­Soviet states. Increased activity of the terrorist underground in the North Caucasus and Central Asia.
4
Aggravation of the situation in Afghanistan due to the strengthening of Islamic State.
5
Deterioration of the situation in Yemen.
6
Military attempts to resolve the crisis in Libya.
7
The threat of the United States pulling out of the Iran nuclear deal.
Opportunities
1
The definitive defeat of Islamic State.
2
Russia's leading role in the Syrian settlement; organization of the Congress of the Syrian People; advancement of the Geneva process.
3
Rebuilding Syria in conjunction with leading international organizations and
associations.
4
Developing military­technical and trade and economic cooperation with Egypt,
Iraq, Saudi Arabia and other countries.
5
Developing dialogue with Iran and maintaining the status quo with regard to its nuclear program.
The priority tasks of Russia's foreign policy in the Middle East in 2018
1
Strengthening Syria's positions, taking into account the transition from military operation to the post­conflict rebuilding of the country
2
Preventing military clashes in the region, promoting the concept of a regional security system, and preserving and strengthening friendly relations with the countries in the region.
3
Preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the region.
4
Preventing the region from transforming into a base for international terrorism and counteract the export of terrorism and radical Islamism into the North Caucasus and Central Asia.
Russia and the Asia-Pacific
The Asia Pacific Region remains highly dynamic. Here, the balance between threats and opportunities is the most favourable for Russia. The most important results of 2017 in this area include the following:

— The aggravation of the nuclear missile crisis on the Korean Peninsula; Russia's growing demand as an intermediary and partner in resolving issues.

— The accession of India and Pakistan to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

— The new foreign policy adopted by the People's Republic of China following the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and deepening relations with Russia.

— Developing contacts between Russia and Japan and the progress made in the dialogue on trade and economic issues.

— The revision of Russia–India relations in the context of events held in honour of the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

— The dialogue with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and key countries in the region within the framework of the EAEU's activity.
Challenges and Threats
1
The threat of military force being used to resolve the North Korean problem, which carries the risk of both North and South Korea and their neighbours suffering great losses.
2
The threat of Russia's role in the settlement of the North Korean problem could be marginalized.
3
The risks that disputes surrounding the South China Sea could intensify; the threat that Russia could be dragged deeper into these disputes.
4
Growing asymmetry in Russia–China political and economic relations.
5
A potential slowdown in the Russia– Japan dialogue; ongoing differences with regard to the territorial dispute.
6
Stagnation in Russia–India relations; growth of competition in the field of military­technical cooperation.
7
The threat that dialogue with ASEAN and other associations could remain purely declarative in nature; the lack of specific projects.
Opportunities
1
Being an intermediary in the diplomatic settlement of the North Korean nuclear issue;
2
Reducing the immediacy of the missile defence (THAAD) issue in South Korea on the back of agreements achieved between the People's Republic of China and South Korea.
3
Carrying out joint bilateral projects with the People's Republic of China in energy, infrastructure, space exploration and the Arctic.
4
Carrying out Russia–China initiatives in international finance and cybersecurity.
5
Holding reciprocal years of culture in Russia and Japan; carrying out joint projects on the Kuril Islands.
6
Developing new areas for cooperation with India (food security, cybersecurity, expanding energy cooperation and work on major infrastructure development projects such as the North–South Corridor Project, etc.)
The priority tasks of Russia's foreign policy in the Asia Pacific in 2018
1
Improving the quality of Russia–China cooperation (above all in economics, science and technology, and the humanities).
2
Diversifing economic and political ties with the Asia­ Pacific.
3
Overcomimg the emerging stagnation in relations with India.
4
Preventing confrontation between India and China in Asia and the Indian Ocean.
5
Preventing military conflict on the Korean Peninsula while preserving the longterm goal of turning the peninsula into a nuclear­free zone.
6
Stepping up Russia's participation in multilateral security mechanisms and regimes in the Asia­Pacific.
Russia and the Post-Soviet States
The former Soviet states make up the most important region for Russia
in terms of security and implementing economic integration projects. The main
results of 2017 in this area:

— Successful development of the EAEU: signing of the Customs Code of the Eurasian Economic Union; growth of the Union's domestic and foreign trade.

— Achievements of the EAEU in its international activities: signing of a trade and economic agreement with the People's Republic of China; negotiations with Iran, Singapore, Serbia, India, Israel and Egypt; cooperation with the ASEAN.

— Security cooperation within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO): West 2017 and other exercises.

— Initiative to send a peacekeeping mission to Donbass to prevent the situation in the conflict zone from further escalation.

— The work carried out to prevent an exacerbation in Russia–Armenia and Russia–Kazakhstan relations against the backdrop of their signing cooperation agreements with the European Union.

— Preserving stability in the Nagorno ­Karabakh conflict; balanced development of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Challenges and Threats
1
The failure or stagnation of negotiations on the peacekeepers in Donbass; the aggravation of the situation on the demarcation line between the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the armed forces of the Luhansk and Donetsk people's republics; the loss of internal stability in the Luhansk and Donetsk people's republics.
2
The aggravation of disputes within the EAEU (between Kazakhstan and the Kyrgyz Republic).
3
The threat of destabilization in one or more Central Asian countries; growing terrorist threat in Central Asia against the backdrop of Islamic State fighters returning to their home countries; export of instability from Afghanistan as a result of Islamic State strengthening its hold in the country.
4
The aggravation of the situation in Nagorno­Karabakh; intensification of the public disagreements between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including disputes regarding the centenaries of the democratic republics.
Opportunities
1
Strengthening the EAEU: completing the draft electricity trading rules; forming a unified air transport market; implementing the plan for a coordinated transport policy, etc.; continuing negotiations on the creation of free­trade areas with foreign partners and associations; building up experience in conflict and dispute resolution within the EAEU; increasing internal trade as a result of economic growth and improving the work of integration institutions.
2
Developing models of non­confrontational interaction between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (Kazakhstan, Armenia).
3
Implementing peacekeeping initiatives in Donbass; monitoring the implementation of the Minsk accords.
4
Developing Russia–Georgia dialogue; easing or abolishing the visa regime on the part of Russia.
The main tasks for Russia's policy in the post­-Soviet countries in 2018
1
Developing models of security and economic cooperation in that are attractive to other post­Soviet countries.
2
Counteracting the socioeconomic and political destabilization processes taking place in post­Soviet countries.
3
Searching for the best possible models of interaction with external players (the People's Republic of China, the European Union, the United States, Iran, Turkey, etc.) in order to resolve regional issues.
4
Providing assistance in the resolution of conflicts in the post­Soviet space.
Authors
Andrey Kortunov
RIAC Director General
Ivan Timofeev
RIAC Director of Programs
Working Group
Timur Makhmutov
RIAC Deputy Director of Programs
Elena Alekseenkova
RIAC Program Manager
Ekaterina Chimiris
RIAC Program Manager
Natalia Evtikhevich
Программный менеджер РСМД
Ksenia Kuzmina
RIAC Program Coordinator
Ruslan Mamedov
RIAC Program Coordinator (MENA)
Vladimir Morozov
RIAC Program Coordinator
Maria Smekalova
Coordinator of Russia-­U.S. Dialogue on Cybersecurity project
Darya Kholopova
RIAC Program Assistant
Tatiana Bogdasarova
RIAC Program Coordinator
Anna Kuznetsova
RIAC Program Coordinator
Roman Mayka
RIAC Program Assistant
Nikolay Markotkin
RIAC Media and Government Relations Manager
Dmitry Puminov
RIAC Internet Project Coordinator
Irina Sorokina
RIAC Website Editor
Alexander Teslya
RIAC Internet Project Manager